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Learning the Meaning of Words (page 2)

By A. K. Barry
Pearson Allyn Bacon Prentice Hall

Another view of early word acquisition focuses on the fact that words often have meaning components, such as “female” (queen, princess, maiden, girl) or “relative” (brother, mother, father, sister) and suggests that children acquire word meanings by acquiring such semantic features bit by bit to build into word meanings. Thus, a child might initially class together all things with the feature “round” and overgeneralize the label ball for all such objects. Once the features are learned that distinguish such objects from one another, the child can assign more appropriate labels. One widely studied semantic feature in child language acquisition is “cause,” which occurs in verbs such as break and bend when they are used as transitive verbs. I broke the glass means “I caused the glass to break.” Children often seem to recognize this semantic component and overextend it to verbs that do not contain it in the adult language, as in I falled it.

Clark raises questions about the explanatory value of the above constraints and strategies for learning word meanings and argues for a much more prominent role for pragmatics in understanding how children acquire such knowledge. That is, she focuses heavily on the contexts in which adults and children interact to provide word-learning opportunities. She proposes that young children make two pragmatic assumptions about word meanings that guide them in their semantic development (2003, pp. 143–144). The first, conventionality, assumes that there are agreed-upon terms in the language community, that there is reliability and predictability in the association of a term with a meaning. The second, contrast, assumes that two different forms will not be used for the same meaning; that is, if the forms of words are different, their meaning will be thought of as different as well. Using these two assumptions, combined with their previous word knowledge and their assumptions about what the adult intends to say in that context, children problem-solve their way to a meaning. For example, Clark (2003, p. 147) cites a study in which four- and five-year-olds were asked to pick out a “chromium” tray from a set of differently colored trays. They were told to pick the chromium one, “not the red one.” From this instruction, the children were able to infer that chromium was a color, and based on their prior knowledge of color terms, they were able to choose the one color that was unfamiliar to them. Interestingly, several weeks afterwards, the children remembered that chromium was a color and used it appropriately.

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