Tips for Parents: What We Know From Longitudinal Studies of E/PG Children

Tips for Parents: What We Know From Longitudinal Studies of E/PG Children
By Miraca Gross
Davidson Institute for Talent Development

Source: Davidson Young Scholar Seminar
In this article, Miraca Gross expands on a previous online seminar. New data is provided on very early developmental advancement and the influence of sound educational planning and decision-making by families.

Let me start by noting a few points about longitudinal studies in general - those which have focused on gifted and talented children, that is.

Interestingly, the most famous longitudinal study that has ever been conducted in education or psychology focused specifically on gifted and talented children. It commenced more than 80 years ago and was led by Professor Lewis Terman of Stanford University. The first volume of findings, on 1528 gifted children, was published in 1925 and the most recent volume came out less than 10 years ago (Hollahan and Sears, 1996). Terman, of course, died more than 40 years ago but the study is still ongoing - the surviving subjects are in their 90's - and data are still being collected by (now) the third generation of researchers.

One of Terman's most interesting findings, which he published in the very first volume, was that the children in his study, who were all of IQ 135 or above, came from a very wide range of social classes. Fewer than 30% of their fathers (it was mostly fathers who were in the workforce in the first quarter of the 20th century) were in "professional" occupations. This contradicts the myth, still prevalent today, that gifted children come mainly from professional or middle-class families.

Terman found that, as children, the young people in his study differed in many ways from their age-peers of average ability. They learned to talk significantly earlier than usual, and also tended to walk rather earlier. Almost half learned to read before school entry. Their play interests, their hobbies and the books they preferred to read were more like those preferred by children some years older.

Schools in Terman's day were readier to respond to these developmental advancements than are most schools today. More than 10% of Terman's subjects skipped the entire first grade. Two years after the gradeskip, children who had accelerated were significantly more likely to say that they enjoyed school than equally gifted children who had not been permitted to gradeskip, and this finding was particularly strong for girls (Burks, Jensen and Terman, 1930). More than one quarter of the Terman subjects were permitted at least one gradeskip during the course of their education.

How did these young people feel, in adulthood, about their acceleration, and how did it influence their lives? Students who were accelerated tended to gain higher educational qualifications than their age-peers who stayed in-grade. Accelerants tended to go into more prestigious and high-paying occupations. Interestingly, they tended to marry earlier (probably a reflection of their having entered the "dating" atmosphere of college earlier) but their marriages were more stable; fewer of the accelerants divorced. When, in their 60's, the Terman subjects were asked to look back both on their careers and their personal lives, the accelerants in general made more positive responses (Cronbach, 1996). As Terman had predicted 50 years before, acceleration did not prevent these gifted young people from going on to better-than-normal work, social and family lives.

Discussing the social and personality traits of the gifted group, Terman and his colleagues made very specific distinctions between children at different levels of intellectual giftedness. They argued that while one might naturally expect a child of IQ 170 or 180 to be superior in school achievement to an age-peer of IQ 140 or 150, one should not make a parallel assumption in the case of social traits. They argued:

    "The distribution curve of intelligence implies that a child of 140 or 150 IQ may find a fairly large group of associates whose mental development and range of interests are not hopelessly far behind his own, and who react to him as to a congenial playfellow, perhaps elevating him to a position of real leadership. The child of 170 or 180 IQ, on the other hand, stands in an extremely sparsely populated region of intelligence. Only one child in thousands makes so high a score and only one child in two hundred or more come even with such a long distance range as 140 IQ . . .

     

    In her book on gifted children Professor Hollingworth presents case studies of a dozen children whose IQ's equal or surpass 180. The data amassed in these studies would appear to fully justify her generalization that the majority of children testing above IQ 180 "play little with other children unless special conditions such as those found in a special class for the gifted are provided. They have great difficulty in finding playmates in the ordinary course of events who are congenial both in size and in mental ability. Thus they are thrown back upon themselves to work out forms of solitary intellectual play." The children in our gifted group whose IQs are over 180 tend to fall into the social pattern described by Hollingworth. (Burks, Jensen and Terman 1930, p. 173-174)

 

The authors then went on to acknowledge that the 35 members of Terman's gifted group whose IQs were at or in excess of 170 tended to have "considerably more difficulty in making social adjustments" than did the more typical members of the group, with 60 per cent of the boys and 73 per cent of the girls being reported by the teachers and parents as being definitely solitary or "poor mixers" (Burks, Jensen and Terman, 1930, p. 175). These social difficulties, however, tended to lessen significantly when the child was accelerated.

The study conducted by Leta Hollingworth, over a span of 20 years, focussed specifically on young people of IQ 180+ (Hollingworth, 1942). As Terman commented, Hollingworth's study found that for these profoundly gifted children, life in the ironically misnamed "inclusion" classroom offered neither intellectual stimulation nor social companionship. Hollingworth was a passionate advocate of both acceleration and fulltime ability grouping for gifted students, and her research findings strongly substantiated her beliefs. In her landmark study, the profoundly gifted children who were accelerated, especially those who were accelerated by three or more years, and those who were placed in special classes for gifted children, experienced significantly greater academic success and substantially happier social lives.

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