Transitions in Schooling

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School transitions play a critical role in children’s development as learners (Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Pianta, 1999; Pianta & Cox, 1999; Wigfield, Eccles, Schiefele, Roeser, & Davis-Kean, 2006). With regards to motivation, most studies have focused on kindergarten and middle school transitions, with a smaller set of studies examining the effects of the high school transition (Eccles, 2004). Many of the school structures and classroom processes discussed above play an important role in children’s adjustment to new school environments. During critical school transitions, aspects of the child’s self-definitions are redefined by parents, teachers, peers, and the children themselves (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988). In this section, we briefly review research focused on motivation changes related to transitions in schooling.

Transition into Elementary School

The entry into elementary school is accompanied by several significant changes in children’s lives (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988; Pianta & Cox, 1999). Compared with the home or preschool environment, elementary classes are organized by age, making it possible for children to compare their skills and abilities to other children. In many schools, children are also grouped by ability for reading and mathematics instruction. Children’s abilities are assessed for the first time with standardized achievement tests. Whereas preschool children learn through play and exploration, kindergarten and first-grade teachers increasingly are adopting didactic, basic skill teaching approaches (Stipek, Feiler, Daniels, & Milburn, 1995). Moreover, the quality of children’s relations with teachers and peers can have a significant impact on school adjustment and achievement in the early grades. Lastly, children from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds are expected to adapt to a school environment that favors the mainstream culture (Meece & Kurtz-Costes, 2001).

Children’s early school experiences are shaped by gender and ethnicity, as well as by the resources they bring to school—skill levels, parental expectations, and family income (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988). Evidence also suggests that children’s temperament, peer relations, and self-regulatory processes play an important role in children’s successful transition to school (Bronson, 2000; Entwisle, Alexander, Pallas, & Cadigan, 1987; Howse, Calkins, Anastopoulous, Keane, & Shelton, 2003; Ladd & Kochenderfer, 1996; Miles & Stipek, 2006), and may even mediate the influence of family background characteristics on early school achievement (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988).

In a longitudinal study of children’s transition to elementary school, Alexander and Entwisle (1988) found that first-grade students whom teachers perceived as attentive, interested, and cooperative, earned higher initial marks in reading and mathematics, even after controlling for differences in prior test scores. Additionally, these initial evaluations of children’s abilities are used, more than standardized test scores, to assign students to ability groups for reading and mathematics. Furthermore, low teacher perceptions of personal maturity and a low mark in first-quarter reading were important predictors of first-grade retention, reducing the effects of ethnicity, gender, and family income level (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988). Due to differential instruction and achievement expectations formed by parents and teachers, within-class ability grouping and early grade retention have a powerful influence on children’s subsequent achievement and motivation (Pallas, Entwisle, Alexander, & Stluka, 1994). By the end of second grade, children’s early performance in school was the most important predictor of subsequent achievement, overshadowing the effects of personal- and home-related variables as they move into third grade (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988).

Research also suggests that, along with child characteristics, the qualities of classroom instruction and teacher-student relations also influence children’s achievement and motivation in the early elementary grades. For example, Stipek and her colleagues (Stipek, Feiler, Byler, Ryan, Milburn, & Salmon, 1998; Stipek et al., 1995) contrasted the effects of didactic versus child-centered instruction. A didactic approach is defined by those teachers who provide high levels of direct instruction and who play a central role in selecting activities, providing instruction, and defining rules. The focus of instruction is on basic skill and factual knowledge acquisition. On the other hand, teachers using a child-centered approach serve as partners in children’s learning, providing direction and guidance to help children develop their knowledge while providing opportunities for children to take responsibility for their own learning. Teacher-student relations are characterized by warmth, nurturance, and support.